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national revolutionary

The New National Revolutionary Spring

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In the town squares and in everyday life throughout Europe 

Translated from Italian by G.M. Wild and A. F. Veneto

The main squares of several European national capitals have been unexpectedly alive with protest in the recent period. While it’s been said that this is merely an emotional reaction, this is not the only explanation for our surprisingly full squares. 

There are certainly many things to react to. In Greece, the ban on commemorating the fallen, murdered in 2013. In Poland, the threat of “antifascist” repression when the leftist coalition government assumes power. In Spain, the desecration of the body and memory of Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, the “Ley de Memoria” (Law of Memory) that forbids remembering any Spanish deeds between 1936 and 1978, and finally the coalition agreement to form an unstable government between Pedro Sanchez (President of PSOE) and the Basque and Catalan separatist factions, with shades of separatism on the horizon. In Germany, the ban on laying flowers or candles for the Fallen during the Beer Hall Putsch a hundred years ago. 

The fact is that it has been many years since the squares in national capitals were brimming with protesters; and if we turn our memory towards the time that they were, before the various political groups stared into the mirror of social media and like Narcissus also drowned in it, we do not find too many incidences of emotive and non-self-referential participation. People demonstrated above all to show off, competing with rival groups that they intended to crush with their numbers and image, all caught in a tournament inside a ghetto; now there is a noticeable unity of purpose, an impersonal participation and without barriers of acronyms. In Spain, in order to find such a spirit, we have to turn back the clock at least forty years. 

And what about Munich? There, groups of two, three, four people went to the same place at the same time for a call that we could define as religious, without knowing nor guessing that there would be so many others from different nations gathered at the same moment due to an inner calling and without receiving summons from movements or parties. 

Animal Intelligence

There is another reason for this behaviour other than the righteous emotional response of loyalty. It lies in the animal intelligence that always precedes rational intelligence and develops in any collectivity of people, even when it’s still not aware, as a response to environmental stimuli.

This animal intelligence, reacting to the failures of the “politics” of the terminally1 ill right, has begun to produce a result that I began to notice four or five years ago as part of the generational turnover. Those born from the mid-nineties onwards were forced to educate themselves, with Internet at their disposal and thus having to select references in order to reach a goal, without the lazy and reassuring alternative of the existing frameworks, which decades ago had become mostly a place of fascist consumerism where indoctrination had taken on a sterile and superficial schematic, often distorted by the “revolutionary” mentality of the parastatal, where the “masters” had almost never been disciples of anyone, much less had the necessary life and military experiences. 

Given that party and movement politics were undone by various crises, those who educated themselves in a certain direction did it step by step, without being able to pretend, otherwise they would not have reached any goal. So when they got there, they knew why, and that’s not banal. Moreover, without being distorted by the typical arrogance of groups and crowds, they did it with modesty. 

Concreteness and Awareness

The failure of reactionary ghetto-dwellers, these shut-in revolutionaries which strutted around with their chests puffed out was clear; if it is impossible to do anything other than protest and pose as guardians of the truth (which does not get scrutinised, save to check whether it has been understood); if one cannot relate culturally and politically to the people from positions of moral and spiritual authority and merge with them, then we are lost in the apocalyptic dementias of the stubborn and sickly. 

On the other hand, if one does not fear confrontation – so long as it is based on firm points and with unquestionable principles – then one can inhabit the realm of reality and fact. Presently in many European nations there is a flourishing of local, city or neighbourhood associations that form a critical mass and operate successfully both culturally and socially. Their social operations should not be confused with charitable work2 since it’s concerned with organizing support for social classes – such as for example the shopkeepers during the Covid lockdowns- and demonstrates localism in its indifference towards electoral disputes and political division which have everywhere degenerated into a simplistic and binary “us-vs-them” song and dance routine. 

Consciousness and Action

In other words, this animal intelligence has imposed a change of perspective everywhere, which has resulted in political consciousness. The way of being, acting and interacting has become suitable for the era of the “liquid society” and post-parliamentarism. This is something that a few of us were anticipating for over twenty years and it’s reflected in political documents, some of which, like “Le api e i fiori” or “Aquarius”, have been studied by architects of the new course in Italy, France, Spain, Poland and perhaps elsewhere. 

However this should not be misunderstood: it was not those and similar writings that determined the actions of the new national revolutionaries, but it was their action that made them interested in such writings whose value lies precisely in the fact that they are tools belonging to a specific time and action, having been intended from the beginning for a national revolutionary practice. 

A complex galaxy of thought and action, of networks and associations is therefore expanding, endowed with realism and transversality, but centred humanely, emotionally and ideally, born a pragmatism that is not opportunistic and permeated with a hierarchy both ontological and functional and therefore flexible, unlike the ossified hierarchies of the terminal right. This is no small feat. 

Rediscovering Ourselves

In addition to the new national revolutionaries’ effectiveness in verticality there is widespread awareness, at least at three levels. The first is the abandonment of democratic assumptions, demonstrated by the belief that in the face of the deep state and lobby groups, which form the backbone of a system of which politicians are merely an external and cosmetic outer lining, what counts, immediately and much more than elections, is the creation of autonomous powers, both at the local level and in the media and mass communication sectors. 

At the second level there is the observation of always having to be in a third position. It has become clear that the platform and ideology of the right is antithetical to political, cultural and economic solutions which offer any form of strategic success. It is also noticeable that, regarding international politics that the left has the more acceptable positions, with the surprising exception of Italy where the Mattei line was christened with the mark of the flame3. However, at the same time, on everything concerning domestic issues and social engineering, the left is inferior, indecent and must be defeated. 

Finally there is the awareness of the idea of Europe, of literally being Europe, an ideal or indeed a faith, an idea which has regained strength, leaving all the dead weight of petty chauvinism behind, no longer able to counter the national revolutionary line. Until a couple of years ago, it seemed like a dream. 

In other words, we are witnessing the rediscovery of political categories, generally abandoned for at least forty years. Unlike what happened in the euphoria of openness and movement towards liberalisation after the fall of the Berlin Wall, this new turn does not question the ideological foundations of the national revolutionary tradition, which is very, very important. 

Farewell to the Terminal Right

A year ago, I wrote “goodbye to the terminal right.” We can repeat that line now because it is truly fading away when confronted with the natural establishment of a new – and ancient – national revolutionary vision that is exposing all these abominations to justice. Let us now hope for the full- blown acceleration down Sunset Boulevard, so popular these days, in which boomers, having failed to live up to their promise both as revolutionaries and governing forces try to cling to their childishness which has now become senile, in the vain illusion of floating on waves they are unable to ride.4 Let them raise their voices and propose bizarre commitments to the “global South” or to a “post-ideological unity” in which they would like to embrace with other faded-red boomers at the stop where, as noted by Gaber, all those who have missed the bus meet and, like them, they seek new masters who don’t care about their existence.

It is no coincidence that the failure of the terminal right has simultaneously produced two opposing tendencies, one which unites the historical, mythological and doctrinal radicalization with a renewed practical political vitalism, and another which raves about “escaping forward”, but then only flops sideways, backwards and into nothingness. It is necessarily so, because in front of the first tendency, we see a broad, bright highway and the promise of a vital and joyful way forward. 

Originally published in Italian at noreporter.org as La nuova primavera nazionalrivoluzionaria.
Translated and republished with permission.

  1. The choice of word here comes from a pun in the Italian language, where terminal can mean both far, as in far right, but also terminal as in terminally ill. In the author’s opinion, Europe’s far right parties are both.  ↩︎
  2. In the original, the author uses the words “imitation of Caritas”, a federation of Catholic charitable organisations.  ↩︎
  3. The author here refers to the Mattei Line, which is a gas pipeline connecting Algeria’s gas fields with Italy, allowing Italy and the rest of Europe to purchase Algerian gas at scale. With a poetic flourish, he describes the line as christened with the flame, in a reference to the emblem of Fratelli d’Italia, the ruling political party of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who opened the line.  ↩︎
  4.  It refers specifically to the attempt at coalition between the former mayor of Rome, Gianni Alemanno, and the communist Marco Rizzo, and in general to all the “rossobruni” (red-brown, communist-fascist or NazBol) spectres. ↩︎

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