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Interview with Nicholas R. Jeelvy

Interview with Nicholas R. Jeelvy

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This interview with Nicholas R. Jeelvy was conducted by 3Droga, a Polish nationalist organisation and originally published in Polish. Translated and republished with permission.

3Droga: Please introduce yourself to our readers

Nicholas Jeelvy: . My name is Nicholas R. Jeelvy. I am the editor in chief of RadicalDose.com, host of The Writer’s Block, writer, fighter, dreamer. I come from Macedonia and consider myself a racial nationalist. This means that I am concerned not merely with the well-being of Macedonians, but also with the well-being of all European nations as well as the white race as a whole. Indeed, I do not believe that the well-being of the nation can be secured without the well-being of the race and vice-versa, no more than the health of the organ can be secured without the health of the body (and vice-versa).

3D: You are known to the wider public for your writings that have appeared on Counter Currents. However, as of 2023, you are no longer working with this portal. Can you tell us what happened?

NJ: Not pulling punches are we (hehe)? Well, for the time being, I am not ready to share the full story. However, I will say that the dispute that made me abandon Counter-Currents was at its core an employee-employer dispute and not a strictly ideological one. I realised at one moment that the site was heading in a stylistic and strategic direction that I disagreed with and that as an employee, I’d be required to follow in that direction. Understanding that it was not my site and that I would have no way of influencing it, I decided to leave, which is all the better, because now I have my own webzine, radicaldose.com

3D: You are Macedonian, but the country is not particularly well known – it is small, on the outskirts of Europe. Can you tell us about the nationalist movement in Macedonia?

NJ: The nationalist movement in Macedonia is very small, mostly relegated to online activities and not very united. Unfortunately, like in many post-communist states, the Macedonian government puts has inordinate amount of fear of nationalism and seeks to undermine the formation of any serious nationalist movements. There’s also the problem of many Macedonians seeing themselves and their nationhood as deriving from the post-Nuremberg order, or the antifascist struggle. For this reason, we usually get “patriots” who explicitly reject ethnic nationalism and merely demand that ethnic minorities “learn the language”. This is usually a problem with the older generations, however, even the younger generations have a version of this belief, mostly driven by hedonistic impulses and the view that nationalism is stifling. 

So, for the time being, Macedonian nationalism consists of 4-5 internet personalities speaking into the void and informal organisations set up by people on the ground themselves. To give you a sense of the scale, in the period between December 2019 and September 2022, I with my 300 followers YouTube channel was the single largest nationalist commentator in Macedonia. There’s also the TMRO party whose leader professes ethnic nationalism, but is very small and has historically behaved like a satellite party to conservatives.

3D: Every country in Europe has writers of whom it can boast on a European scale, and who have added something to the European tradition. Which Macedonian writers should deserve the attention of our readers?

NJ: In my estimation, two Macedonian writers have this kind of importance. In drama, that’d be Vojdan Černodrinski for Macedonian Bloody Wedding, a tragedy concerning the forcible abduction and conversion to Islam of Cveta, a village beauty by the local Turkish bey. It’s probably one of the defining pieces of culture for the Macedonian people, but also tells a story that all Europeans can relate to, of resistance to an overwhelming force for a matter of principle and honour. 

In poetry, that’d be Kočo Racin, a mid-20th century poet whom I believe rises to the position of national bard of the Macedonian people. He was a socialist when he lived, but looking at his poetry in more detail shows us more than just the dry and wooden posturing of communist poets, but a genuine feel for the pulse of the nation and a capacity for bringing very potent images and emotions to life. Unfortunately, I’m not sure if either Černodrinski or Racin are translated. 

One author I’m more certain has been translated is Goran Stefanovski, a more modern playwright. He’s something of a liberal darling (hence the greater attention paid to his work), but we see in his pieces scathing deconstructions of modern life and how it negatively affects the family, the nation, faith or even personal integrity and the human body. His works often deal with families put under the pressure of a new and usually modern phenomenon and exploring how this pressure will exacerbate the extant familial divisions. For example in Divo Meso (wild meat), he explores the conflict formed between three brothers and their father when the middle brother, who is highly intelligent and educated, is offered a position in a large German company, to the consternation of the youngest brother, who’s a socialist and dislikes the company, and the father, who is dismissive of the West in general and also is implied to fear being abandoned, all the while the family is dealing with the consequences of the eldest brother’s alcoholism and the impending birth of a new child. This sounds already fraught, right? But the year is 1938 and the tension is very deeply palpable. There’s a storm coming and not only in the family and sometimes, events from way beyond your comprehension will have an immense influence on your life.

3D:  In 2023, you took part in the Polish Independence March for the first time. Tell us about your impressions.

NJ:

It was a spiritually fulfilling experience, I must say. The sight of thousands of patriotic and proud white people was very inspiring. I marched as part of the Intermarium column, which is more international, so we had the flags of many countries friendly to Poland. We had Latvians, Belarusians (free ones, not Lukashenka-bots), Lithuanians, even Venetians. And of course, I was there with my Macedonian flag. What was very interesting is that all the while, Polish people from other columns approached us and asked us about our flags, why we were marching and were always very friendly. I must have had this exact same conversation 5 times: 

“Where are you from?”

“Macedonia.”

“How do you like Poland?”

“It’s amazing. Excellent that you can march like this, in such great numbers. And Warsaw is such a beautiful city.”

“Yeah, but X is better.” 

And X here means the city where that person is from. I heard it about Krakow, Białystok, Poznan, Wrocław, Łodz, probably more cities that I don’t remember, but it was always like that. But honestly, I was very impressed with the march. I will note, however, that getting to it was challenging. Too many police cordons, too much security. Maybe the government tried to discourage people from attending by it, maybe the security was truly necessary? Who knows. But all in all, it was everything I expected and more. I know it means something else to Polish people, but to me it was an opportunity to admire beautiful patriotism and love of nation, as well as to spiritually advance myself in the presence of friends and allies.

3D: As we mentioned earlier, you are known to Polish readers from several texts that have appeared on our portal, e.g. “Are Quran birnings helpful?” in which you are critical of the happenings of Rasmus Paludan, who is basically only known for setting fire to the holy book of the Koran in public. At the same time, since the end of 2023, some well-known figures on the online right have criticised any support for non-white national liberation movements. How would you address this?

NJ: I see no contradiction. For my part, I believe that Koran burnings are and remain a publicity stunt which produces no tangible results, and they’re usually motivated by precisely the kind of left-wing or liberal ideology that opposes nationalism or Christianity as well. At the same time, I find that there’s really no need for the racial nationalist movement to involve itself in the liberation and decolonial struggles of nonwhite peoples. There is a sad tendency to become excited about Palestinians, Syrians or Bolivians on the right and it is fuelled by three tendencies: The ethnopluralist delusions coming from the French New Right (which I have perpetuated in the past, for which I apologise), Russian influence on the right forcing a narrative of “all against the Satanic Liberal Anglo-Saxon West” and a homegrown overcorrection for mainstream right worship of Israel and Jews. 

My own policy with regard to that would be to refrain from desecrating the religious artefacts of non-European faiths as a matter of courtesy and bonton, but to deport their practitioners from Europe back to their ancestral homelands, where they can practice their religions in peace and far away from us. I do not with to convert Muslims to European liberalism, nor do I think this is possible, but that’s precisely what Paludan and other Koran-burners want to do.

3D: On 8 May 2024 there are parliamentary elections in Macedonia. Can you outline for us the atmosphere around them, and their possible consequences?

NJ: The picture I’m about to draw for you will be painfully familiar. We’ve had the Social Democratic Union in power since 2017, a centre-left, business oriented, pro-EU inheritor of the old Union of Communists. They are very incompetent from a purely managerial point of view, very corrupt and are mostly behind the very unpopular state name change in 2018. However, they have the backing of most of the NGO sector and are still perceived as the right choice for Europe-minded people. 

The main opposition party is VMRO-DPMNE. The first part of their name is an homage to VMRO (IMRO), the old revolutionary organisation which sought independence for Macedonia in the late 19th and early 20th century. The second part means Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity. They are centre-right, business oriented and pro-EU. While not officially inheritors of the old Union of Communists, they had a suspicious amount of old Nomenklatura members join in the period between 2004-2006. They were in power between 2006 and 2017, during which time they presented themselves first as technocratic, whilst slowly evolving into something resembling populism. However, in 2018, some of their parliamentarians supported the state name change, granting the motion the necessary 2/3rds majority vote. These guys like to campaign on the hint of a notion that they’ll bring back the state name, usually spreading rumours on social media that they’re playing 4d chess, but they have done nothing of the sort in the aftermath of the 2021 local elections in the municipalities they won (including the capital City of Skopje). Officially, they do not intend to return the old state name, which is a problem, because their voter base consists of patriotic-minded people who were supporting the party for years, turning a blind eye to its thuggery and corruption on the hope that it’d protect the state name in the disputes with Greece. If that weren’t a factor, I’d say these guys are a shoe-in to win, simply due to the clownish incompetence of the SDU, but since they refuse to publicly campaign as patriots, I’m not sure. Suffice to say, in the period when they were in power, they showed themselves to be corrupt, thuggish and just as willing as the SDU to undermine Macedonian national interests for profit. The difference, however, is that they paper over it with superficial expressions of (multi-ethnic) patriotism, flag-waving and even the installation of monumental sculptures in the capital.

An opposition party which began as a bad joke but is growing in influence is Levica, a term which I don’t believe I need to translate. They are patterned after Syriza in Greece and Podemos in Spain and initially began as a project of the VMRO-DPMNE psy-ops desk to shave off urban, marxist votes from SDU, but have since grown into a relatively large party. In the period up to 2018, they were a typical far left, antifa party but have since then taken a turn into national bolshevism. Of course, the national in their national bolshevism is still a civic nationalism and they’ll very prominently display their Albanian or other minority members. Their bolshevism, however, is very publicly on display, ranging from campaigns vowing revenge on “kulaks”, to pathological hatred of Ukraine and Ukrainians and servility towards Russia. I’m not sure how successful they’ll be. It’s difficult to assess how much energy they really have and how much is astroturfed by their allies in the Kremlin, but they’re definitely more prominent than they were last time around, when they considered winning 2 representatives in the National Assembly a monumental success. 

That covers the Macedonian bloc of parties. However, the ethnic Albanians also have their own parties, the most prominent of which is DUI – the Democratic Union for Integration. DUI is the political successor of the Albanian terrorist group which fought the conflict in 2001 (yes, you read that right) and have been in power as a coalition partner near-constantly between 2002 and today, with a brief interlude in 2006-2008. It has no ideology and doesn’t really pretend to have one, except during a brief period in 2019 when the leader, Ali Ahmeti, held a press-conference declaring that they’re a green party. Personally, I’m convinced that he was trolling. No, their ideology is a) corruption and b) the steady Albanisation of Macedonia. They are by far the largest party of Albanians and have consistently won in that bloc since 2002. 

There are other parties of Albanians, of which I’ll mention DPA, the Democratic Party of Albanians. Historically it was the largest party in the Albanian bloc, ideologically centre-right and at least in the period between 1991-2001, loyal to the Macedonian state but acting as a political representative of Albanians in Macedonia. The 2001 conflict made that position untenable because it became clear to Albanians that even though they are a minority, they could gain the upper hand and eventually demographically displace Macedonians. All our politics are downstream of that.

The general atmosphere of the elections is, believe it or not, one of disinterest. Vast swathes of the population are convinced, very rightfully so, that no political party represents them and their interests. Since 2018, this also includes many who were previously political, including a large number of VMRO-DPMNE sympathisers and even members. The major parties’ unwillingness to commit themselves to bringing back the old state name is the elephant in the room which everyone tries to ignore and no conversations can be had about it in the public eye. All other issues seem deeply unimportant by comparison. If we cease to exist as a nation, then who cares about the price of grain, infrastructure or anything else? And indeed, nobody does. You can’t even get the flag-waving boomers to care. Personally, I will not vote, but even if I do, I’ll probably vote for the party least likely to win as a private joke. 

The government at the end of the elections will be a coalition of one of the major parties and DUI, as it has been since 2002. This makes DUI a kingmaker and gives them extraordinary influence in politics, far outstripping their actual number of representatives, and since DUI are the political representatives of Albanians, this gives Albanians extraordinary political power in Macedonia. I don’t expect these elections to change that.

3D: Traditionally, at the end of the interview we would like to ask our interviewee for his last words

NJ: If Europe has a future, it will be a racial nationalist future. It will combine racial unity with respect for national sovereignty. I’ve seen with my eyes just how easily national populism can devolve into divisions between Europeans and so I’m wary of all nationalism which does not devote at least some thought to racialist thinking. Insular thinking is likewise dangerous – we must think about the world, we must have global strategies and we also must have a global perspective. We must likewise combine our thought with action and always think where our scarce resources are being directed. My own destiny seems to be the struggle against the Nuremberg moral paradigm, the notion that forming a state (or in the foreign policy realm, an alliance) based on ethnicity is the ultimate evil. I believe that if this moral paradigm were to be defeated, it’d destroy most opposition to racial nationalism and then it’ll only be a matter of time before we win.

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No real opinion, but I have a general dislike for anyone trying to “one struggle” Macedonians and Bulgarians outside of a common European racial struggle.

But in general do you think Macedonian and for example Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek nationalists should try to cooperate? I knew some Macedonians in Zagreb and they hadn’t very good opinion about these countries. I also know that in general countries in your part of Europe dislike each other. Maybe except those countries which are not neighbouring, for example Serbs have very good relations with Greeks, Croats with Bosniaks, Albanians, Macedonians, Bulgarians etc.

Yes, I do think we should cooperate, since we are facing the same problems coming mostly from the same enemies. But in order for there to be cooperation, we need to have mutual respect and recognition, and that’s not something that exists, especially not between Macedonians and Bulgarians.

Do you think Albanians belong to the same European racial stock? There are Albanian nationalists from Albanian Third Position, but they are mostly revisionist to neighbouring countries. It would be difficult to dialogue with them, because they want to secede some parts od Macedonia.
More difficult problem is with Serbia and Greece. Serbian and Greek nationalists (for example Serbian Action and Golden Dawn) reject Macedonian ethnicity. Serbs want to annex Macedonia and Greeks don’t accept the name of Macedonia. Some say that Macedonians want to annex Greek parts of Macedonia. What do you think about that? Do you see any possibility of cooperation with Golden Dawn and similar Greek groups and their Serbian counterparts like Serbian Action?

I’m against all that, obviously. I’d also oppose Golden Dawn because of their lack of racial standards and pro-~Russia attitude.

That’s all what I wanted to know. Thanks for explanation.

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